Please find below, for information, the text of the latest in a series of Letters from the President to the members of the Assembly.

Paris, 17 April 2003

Dear Members,

In every single country in the Western Balkans (former Yugoslavia) that I visited recently, the political authorities were clearly as convinced as I am of the risk of the international community’s attention being deflected towards the Middle East and the reconstruction of Iraq. It is one of my objectives to make sure that all those concerned realise that the process of reconstruction and democratisation of the countries in the Balkan region is by no means complete and that those countries need continued support and assistance if they are at some stage to become EU member states.

The Stability Pact has not led to a breakthrough in the region’s economic development. There are few transborder projects and donor countries are still reluctant to redeem their pledges.

During my visit to Skopje (25-27 March 2003), I met President Trajkovski, Prime Minister Crvenkovski, the Defence, Interior and Foreign Affairs Ministers and many parliamentarians. I also met the Commander of “Allied Harmony”, the outgoing NATO military stabilisation mission, and General Maral, Commander of “Concordia”, the EU’s first military mission, which took over from NATO at the beginning of April.

The mission is there at the invitation of President Trajkovski. It has the unanimous support of Parliament. The Albanian community in the country also supports it. The permanent “Berlin plus” arrangements between the EU and NATO mean Concordia can rely on specific NATO assets and capabilities. Clearly, Concordia, with some 350 troops and the involvement of 27 countries, could provide a model for a possible future EU takeover of SFOR in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Time will tell whether the present arrangements for external support, chain of command and other important matters are satisfactory.

The Speaker of the Parliament, Nikola Popovski, and his colleagues from different political backgrounds showed particular interest in an enhanced status for the FYROM delegation to the WEU Assembly that would enable its members to participate in the work of the Assembly’s committees and gain more experience in the parliamentary oversight of security and defence policy. Parliament does not want to be excluded from the interparliamentary dialogue on the European Security and Defence Policy.

The Defence Minister is working to create a small, modern, efficient, largely professional army, compatible with EU rapid intervention forces. A small unit is now serving with ISAF in Afghanistan. The army also contributes to the South-Eastern Brigade, alongside Greece and Italy. Also, a first joint military exercise of Albanian and FYROM forces has already taken place.

The present multiethnic government is making progress in the further implementation of the Ohrid Agreement and is determined to continue doing so, in order to ensure the country’s political stability. A recent agreement with the IMF offers new opportunities for improving the economic situation, the outlook for which is still rather poor, owing to high unemployment and a shortage of foreign investment.

Privatisation is making good progress but raising problems for a number of large and inefficient state companies, because of its likely repercussions on the employment market. Foreign investors are still hesitant to come forward because of what they perceive as uncertainty over real estate ownership.

The government in Skopje is strongly committed to the fight against corruption and organised crime which could threaten security and the much-needed economic development of the country.

During my visit to Pristina, Kosovo, (27-28 March 2003) I met Bajram Rexhepi, the Prime Minister of the Provisional Self-Government, General Fabio Mini, KFOR Commander, Thom Hacker, Deputy Head of UNMIK and a number of representatives of international organisations.

The reconstruction programme for housing and basic infrastructure envisaged by the international community is practically complete. The political situation continues unstable, with factional in-fighting, dating back to the period of resistance and armed struggle against the Serbian Government, still dominating the political debate. Economic development remains in the doldrums, while uncertainties over final status and the rule of law, and the lack of political dynamism deter foreign investors.

The Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC), set up to employ former members of the Kosovo Liberation Army and intended to help cope with natural disasters and civil emergencies, is seeking to secure an ever more prominent role in public order maintenance. Many observers are worried by this development. Not only is the KPC informally taking over tasks from the Kosovo Police Service, it is also receiving paramilitary training, and Kosovar Albanians regard it as the core of a future Kosovar army.

The Kosovo Police Service, trained and advised by UNMIK, is now over 5 000 strong and gradually taking over all normal police tasks. Understandably, quality control over the implementation of police tasks, attitude training and training in specific activities such as fighting crime will continue to be required in the near future. If UNMIK were to decide to withdraw its police force, this could jeopardize what has been achieved so far.

The presence of KFOR is still essential in guaranteeing a safe and secure environment. Together with the border police in the FYROM and Serbia’s border police in the Presevo valley, it continues to control the borders in sensitive areas with the help of sophisticated surveillance equipment. It has increasingly become engaged in crime prevention and control. The links between organised crime and certain elements of the political establishment in Kosovo date back to the period of Kosovar Albanian resistance and are worryingly close.

On the issue of the future status of Kosovo, many different opinions have been voiced, from those of the Kosovar Albanians, in favour of independence as early as 2005, to those of the Serb Kosovars, totally opposed to independence. In early 2003, Serbia’s late Prime Minister, Zoran Djindic, proposed starting a dialogue on future status, but Special Representative Michael Steiner reacted by saying that there would be no such discussion in 2003. Although there is a growing anxiety on both sides that the status quo should not be allowed to prevail indefinitely, it would appear to be too soon for serious dialogue, without some prior effort being put into mutual confidence-building.

Referring to my earlier visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is my conviction that any thoughts on the part of international community of disengagement from the region will be detrimental to the results achieved to date.

With best wishes.

Yours sincerely,

Jan Dirk BLAAUW